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Televisi dan Kepentingan Publik

1 Desember 2014

Wisnu Prasetya Utomo

Televisi telah menjadi ruang bagi kontestasi kekuasaan di antara aktor-aktor politik di Indonesia. Ia berlangsung dalam praktik sehari-hari melalui serangkaian tayangan politik (sebagaimana kita saksikan selama pemilihan umum) sampai berbagai tayangan remeh-temeh terkait kehidupan seorang politikus atau personalisasi kebijakan politik.

Melalui televisi, perang perebutan kekuasaan berlangsung secara terbuka. Berbagai kepentingan saling bertemu untuk bertarung dan bertubrukan untuk mendapatkan pengaruh, dominasi, sampai hegemoni atas ruang publik. Benturan ini semakin masif ketika pendulum kekuasaan di negeri ini telah berayun dari rezim negara (state regime) ke rezim media (media regime).

Ben H. Bagdikian (2004) sudah lama mengingatkan hal ini. Dalam buku The Media Monopoly yang pertama kali terbit di awal dekade 1980-an, ia melihat bagaimana proses pemusatan kepemilikan media terjadi di Amerika Serikat, yang selain berkonsekuensi terhadap persaingan ekonomi, juga membuat media termasuk televisi telah menjadi “the authority” yang menentukan kebenaran dan realitas di masyarakat, tak terkecuali dalam pilihan-pilihan politik.[1] Temuan Bagdikian (2004) menjadi kacamata klasik untuk mencandra fenomena konglomerasi media dan efeknya.

Salah satu efek konglomerasi muncul ketika pemilik televisi juga merupakan politikus. Televisi kemudian menjadi sarana amunisi politik untuk kepentingan politik pemiliknya. J. Herbert Altschull (1984) memberikan pernyataan yang menarik untuk menggambarkan hal tersebut. Dalam buku Agents of Power: The Role of the News Media in Human Affairs, ia mengatakan: “The content of the media always reflect the interest of those who finance them”.[2] Dengan nada bercanda, ungkapan ini kerap dianggap sebagai hukum kedua jurnalisme.

Hari-hari ini di Indonesia, kita bisa melihat bagaimana hal itu terjadi. Selain keberpihakan kepada pemiliknya, kita juga menyaksikan bagaimana tayangan-tayangan televisi semakin ke sini semakin jauh dari peran media untuk melayani kepentingan publik. Ia mengabaikan perannya sebagai institusi sosial dan lebih menonjolkan perannya sebagai institusi bisnis. Alur historis kemunculan televisi swasta di Indonesia menunjukkan mengapa hal itu bisa terjadi.

Menggeser Monopoli

Industri media di Indonesia tidak pernah sama sejak munculnya televisi swasta di akhir dekade 1980-an. Semakin berkaitnya Indonesia pada arus modal internasional seiring masifnya perkembangan teknologi komunikasi telah menimbulkan kekhawatiran pemerintah. Kekhawatiran muncul karena di satu sisi rezim tetap ingin memelihara struktur politik otoritarian dan di sisi lain harus memenuhi tuntutan liberalisme ekonomi internasional yang telah menciptakan dinamika tersendiri dalam struktur ekonomi kapitalis Orde Baru.[3]

Dalam konteks itu monopoli informasi yang dilakukan pemerintah dengan menggunakan TVRI mendapatkan ancaman yang tidak main-main. Ledakan perkembangan teknologi video menjadi salah satu ancaman yang dianggap serius. Pada era itu, kemunculan video membuat orang memiliki sarana untuk mengakses tayangan selain dari TVRI.

Selain itu, transmisi luberan di daerah-daerah perbatasan menjadi ancaman yang lain. Di daerah tersebut, warga bisa mengakses stasiun televisi dari negara tetangga tanpa perlu menambah peralatan. Muatan konten siaran dari luar negeri tentu susah dikontrol oleh rezim Orde Baru dan kadang bisa berisi hal-hal yang dianggap “membahayakan stabilitas”.

Sementara pada waktu yang sama, tayangan-tayangan yang muncul di TVRI pun kualitasnya semakin menurun. Pelarangan iklan pada 1981 telah membuat televisi pemerintah ini kekurangan dana untuk memproduksi tayangan-tayangan yang menarik penonton. Mau tidak mau, ada kebutuhan untuk melahirkan televisi-televisi swasta yang bisa menarik kembali para penonton dari pengaruh produk “asing”agar tidak membahayakan kehidupan rezim tapi tetap bisa dikontrol.

Dengan kata lain, kemunculan televisi swasta di Indonesia tidak berada dalam kerangka melakukan liberalisasi informasi (televisi), tapi lebih untuk mempertahankan dominasi rezim Orde Baru. Monopoli yang sebelumnya berada dalam genggaman TVRI digeser kepada televisi-televisi swasta. Caranya, izin kepemilikan televisi swasta diberikan kepada kroni-kroni rezim dan digenjot untuk melakukan produksi konten-konten lokal, sementara TVRI tetap menjadi “panglima” di mana televisi-televisi swasta wajib me-relay tayangan-tayangan tertentu. Modal dalam industri televisi pun tetap bisa berputar.

Perhatikan nama-nama yang mendapatkan izin pemerintah untuk memiliki televisi swasta. RCTI dimiliki oleh Bambang Trihatmodjo, putra ketiga Soeharto; TPI dimiliki Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana yang merupakan anak pertama Soeharto; SCTV dimiliki Henry Pribadi dan Sudwikatmono, pengusaha yang dekat dengan keluarga Cendana; ANTV dimiliki Bakrie Group dan Agung Laksono yang merupakan elite Golkar. Sementara Indosiar dimiliki Salim Group milik Liem Sioe Liong yang merupakan lingkaran dekat Soeharto.

Kepemilikan yang dimiliki pemilik televisi tersebut tidak memberikan kontrol sempurna atas proses produksi. Industri televisi berjalan dalam pengawasan yang ketat dari pemerintah dengan proteksi ketat yang diberlakukan sejak awal. Campur tangan pemerintah yang terlalu banyak membuat prinsip persaingan bebas terhambat. Selain itu, industri televisi di Indonesia juga tidak didasarkan pada perkembangan teknologi yang memadai sehingga tidak terjadi industrialisasi yang mandiri. Inilah yang oleh Yoshihara Kunio (1990) disebut sebagai kapitalisme semu (ersatz capitalism).[4]

Besarnya campur tangan pemerintah dan minimnya teknologi yang memadai, misalnya, bisa dilihat dari keberadaan TPI. Meski memakai nama televisi pendidikan yang salah satu tujuan awalnya ingin membantu program-program pendidikan Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, dalam perkembangannya definisi “pendidikan” yang muncul dalam tayangan-tayangannya menjadi begitu luas. Dengan menyandang status sebagai Stasiun Penyiaran Televisi Swasta Pendidikan (SPTSP) berdasarkan Surat Keterangan Menteri Penerangan Nomor 111 Tahun 1990, TPI bisa bersiaran secara nasional.

Yang ironis, siaran secara nasional yang dilakukan TPI dilegalkan dengan menggunakan studio dan infrastruktur penyiaran yang dimiliki TVRI. Di titik ini, TPI mendapatkan keuntungan yang luar biasa karena bisa menjangkau penonton dalam skala yang lebih luas dibandingkan dengan televisi swasta lain yang masih dibatasi wilayah tertentu. Kelak, berbagai kemudahan dan fasilitas yang didapatkan TPI ini menghancurkan model sistem televisi berjaringan di Indonesia yang sebelumnya hendak dikembangkan jika melihat gagasan awal kemunculan televisi komersial.

Campur tangan pemerintah semacam itu mendominasi kehidupan televisi swasta. Tayangan-tayangan berita, terutama tentang isu politik, dilarang keras. Upaya untuk tetap memegang kontrol informasi terlihat dari berbagai regulasi yang tumpang tindih dan tambal sulam. Misalnya, bisa dilihat dari Surat Keputusan Menteri Penerangan Nomor 111 Tahun 1990yangmenjelaskan tentang pembagian SPTSP yang diberikan otoritas bersiaran nasional dan Stasiun Televisi Swasta Umum yang hanya boleh bersiaran lokal. Regulasi ini menjadi dasar bagi struktur desentralisasi televisi yang kemudian populer disebut sistem televisi jaringan.

Namun, struktur desentralisasi tersebut diubah secara radikal melalui Surat Keputusan Menteri Penerangan Nomor 84A Tahun 1992 dan Nomor 04A Tahun 1993. Sederhananya, regulasi tersebut mengatur tentang perubahan siaran saluran terbatas menjadi siaran nasional. Sejak saat itu, semua televisi swasta diizinkan bersiaran secara nasional. Itulah awal mula terbentuknya sistem yang sangat tersentralisasi di Jakarta yang sampai saat ini sangat merugikan penonton televisi di daerah luar Jakarta.

Cermati belanja iklan yang melambung tinggi pascasentralisasi itu. Stasiun televisi diuntungkan karena bisa meraupn iklan sebanyak-banyaknya bila dibandingkan dengan ketika hanya bersiaran lokal. Pada 1993, ketika televisi sudah diizinkan beroperasi nasional, belanja iklan televisi sudah mencapai angka 613 miliar rupiah. Jangan lupa juga bahwa di tahun ini pemerintah sudah menyatakan tidak akan ada lagi izin siaran bagi televisi swasta yang mau masuk gelanggang.

Bukankah ini menjadi upaya proteksi untuk tetap menjaga para pemain lama yang sudah ada? Apalagi, jika menyimak pada 1995, belanja iklan televisi melejit tiga ratus persen menjadi lebih dari 1,6 triliun rupiah. Pada 1997, ketika badai krisis ekonomi mulai menyerang, belanja iklan televisi lebih dari 2,6 triliun rupiah.[5] Televisi menjadi industri yang padat modal. Pada saat bersamaan, pemerintah berusaha menjaga stabilitas pasar agar kelanggengan rezim tetap terjaga dan akumulai kapital sebesar-besarnya tetap didapatkan oleh kroni-kroninya.

Puncak upaya pemerintah adalah ketika pembahasan Rancangan Undang-Undang Penyiaran pertama yang akan dimiliki oleh Indonesia. Melihat dominasi kroni Soeharto yang bermain dalam industri televisi, muncul suara-suara dari DPR agar regulasi mulai diperketat. Salah satu yang krusial adalah soal pembatasan jangkauan siaran nasional hingga separuh dari populasi nasional. Jika aturan ini diberlakukan, pendapatan iklan para pemilik televisi akan menurun drastis. Tapi, tentu saja itu tidak terjadi.

Anak-anak Soeharto yang memiliki televisi berhasil memaksa ayahnya agar menolak rancangan yang diusulkan DPR. Inilah rancangan undang-undang pertama di era Orde Baru yang ditolak oleh Soeharto dan dikembalikan kepada DPR untuk direvisi. Klausul ihwal pembatasan siaran tadi akhirnya dihapus.

Jika melihat beberapa regulasi terkait penyiaran di atas, pemerintah dalam hal ini Departemen Penerangan dengan sadar bisa melihat kemungkinan bahwa deregulasi di sektor televisi bisa membawa kemungkinan hilangnya kekuasaan dan hegemoni negara. Karena itu, tidak seperti sektor ekonomi lain di mana pemerintah mengeluarkan paket deregulasi secara bebas, dalam pengawasan televisi tidak keluar paket deregulasi.

Dari situ bisa dilihat bahwa kebijakan deregulasi, terutama dalam konteks industri televisi, tampaknya lebih menarik dikaji dari konteks ekonomi. Liberalisasi ekonomi tanpa liberalisasi politik. Pasalnya, jelas esensinya tidak dimaksudkan untuk mendorong proses demokratisasi, tapi cenderung dimaksudkan untuk membuka keran masuknya kapital yang semakin mendorong ekonomi pasar.[6]

Dari uraian singkat di atas, bisa segera dibaca bahwa sedari mula kehadiran televisi di Indonesia memang diniatkan sebagai sebuah institusi bisnis yang menarik kapital besar. Ini berbeda dengan sejarah media cetak di Indonesia yang awal kehadirannya lebih memiliki semangat sebagai institusi sosial. Pasca-1998, struktur kepemilikan televisi memang berubah dan tidak dikuasai kroni-kroni Soeharto seperti sebelumnya.

Problemnya, struktur pasar media yang sudah terbentuk tidak banyak berubah. Kontrol negara Orde Baru selama bertahun-tahun telah membentuk pasar media dengan struktur kuat dan menguntungkan secara bisnis. Berbagai peraturan negara yang muncul jauh lebih menguntungkan industri televisi dengan memosisikan kita (penonton televisi) sebagai konsumen, bukan warga negara yang berhak mendapatkan kebutuhan informasi yang relevan. []

[1] Ben H. Bagdikian. 2004. The Media Monopoly. Boston: Beacon Press.

[2] J. Herbert Altschull. 1984. Agents of Power: The Role of the News Media in Human Affairs. New York: Longman.

[3] Dedy N. Hidayat. 2000. “Pers dalam Kontradiksi Kapitalisme Orde Baru.” Dalam Pers dalam “Revolusi Mei”: Runtuhnya Sebuah Hegemoni, disunting oleh Dedy N. Hidayat, 127–164. Jakarta: Gramedia.

[4] Yoshihara Kunio. 1990.Kapitalisme Semu Asia Tenggara. Jakarta: LP3ES.

[5] Ade Armando. 2011. Televisi Jakarta di Atas Indonesia: Kisah Kegagalan Sistem Televisi Berjaringan di Indonesia. Yogyakarta : Bentang Pustaka.

[6] Hermin Indah Wahyuni. 2000. Televisi dan Intervensi Negara: Konteks Politik Kebijakan Publik Industri Penyiaran Televisi. Yogyakarta: Media Pressindo.

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