SIMON
Nov 14, 2015
Jebakan Perang Dingin Gaya Baru dan Bahaya Polarisasi Politik dalam Negeri
Nov 26, 2015

Repolitisasi Isu ’65, Radikalisasi Gerakan

KALAU isu ’65 ditautkan dengan isu-isu pergerakan yang sedang berjalan di Indonesia, maka dampak ’65 adalah hancurnya organisasi-organisasi rakyat, misalnya buruh, tani, seniman, perempuan, pemuda, dan partai kiri di Indonesia. Akibat lebih lanjut adalah absennya kekuatan politik (diskursus dan praktik) kritis yang mengontrol kekuasaan dan ini memungkinkan Orde Baru melenggang selama kurang lebih 32 tahun. Orde Baru telah menghabisi kekuatan pengkritik kekuasaan – pembunuhan orang, pelarangan ideologi berbasis kelas. Penyakit kekuasaan tanpa kontrol tidak perlu dijelaskan di sini.

Apa yang dilakukan oleh International People’s Tribunal (IPT) di Den Haag baru-baru ini adalah salah satu upaya untuk menyingkap kebenaran dengan tajuk kampanye melihat negara sebagai pelaku pelanggaran Hak Asazi Manusia (HAM) Berat. Tidak ada yang salah dengan judul kampanye itu kalau Anda percaya dengan instrumen HAM. Di titik ini usaha mengadakan IPT Den Haag patut diapresiasi. Tapi, apresiasi adalah satu hal. Kritik adalah hal yang lain.

Masalah terletak pada belum bertautnya IPT Den Haag dengan isu-isu yang sedang hangat di Indonesia, dan ironisnya, justru isu-isu itu yang diperjuangkan oleh para korban kekerasan negara Orde Baru. Hal ini bisa kita lihat dari dinamika yang terjadi dalam gerakan agraria dan buruh. Kedua gerakan ini dipilih berdasarkan posisi geografis-terkonstruksi mereka di pedesaan dan di perkotaan, dimana fragmentasi gerakan yang berbasis di desa dengan yang berbasis di kota adalah isu yang sangat mendasar dalam gerakan revolusioner – dan ini tema yang lain lagi.Tapi perlu dicatat, dengan menautkannya ke isu gerakan agraria dan buruh kontemporer, bukan berarti serta-merta saya bisa dianggap menganggap korban ’65 terutama yang meninggal dan terampas haknya sebagai warga negara Indonesia tidak penting. Justru saya mau memperluas medan politik, minimal secara teoretis, bagi kelompok pengusung isu ’65 itu sendiri.

Dampak peristiwa ’65 dari sudut pandang gerakan agraria, kalau kita baca buku karangan Bachriadi dan Wiradi yang bertajuk Six Decades of Inequality: Land tenure problems in Indonesia yang kemudian saripatinya mereka ulang kembali dalamsalah satu bab di buku yang bertajuk Land for the People: The state and agrarian conflict in Indonesia, kira-kira sebagai berikut.

Di era Bung Karno sedang dilaksanakan kebijakan resmi negara bernama reforma agraria dengan payung hukum Undang-Undang Pokok Agraria (UUPA) 5/1960. Tapi, dengan naiknya Suharto ke tampuk kekuasaan pada 1967 dan dengan sudah dihabisinya organisasi tani penyokong reforma agraria, maka dengan sendirinya itu adalah pembunuhan juga terhadap program negara bernama reforma agraria. Reforma agraria penting untuk mengeliminasi ketimpangan kepemilikan faktor produksi, yang dalam konteks pedesaan adalah, tanah.

Seperti yang dicatat oleh Bachriadi dan Wiradi,dampak penggagalan reforma agraria dan tidak dijalankannya UUPA 5/1960 sangatlah jelas. Jumlah petani tak bertanah di Indonesia secara konsisten meningkat paska ’65; yaitu, 21% pada 1983, 30% pada 1993, dan 36% pada 2003. Artinya, tanah semakin terkonsentrasi kepemilikannya. Di sisi lain, akses pengusaan terhadap tanah oleh korporasi besar semakin terbuka berkat berbagai UU di 1967 (Kehutanan, Pertambangan dan Penanaman Modal Asing) yang dikeluarkan negara kapitalis Orde Baru.

Akibatnya jurang ketimpangan penguasaan tanah semakin menganga. Korporasi besar menggunakan tanah untuk bermacam-macam, ada yang untuk usaha ekstraksi kayu, pertambangan, atau juga perkebunan. Penggunaan lahan di sektor perkebunan skala besar terus meningkat dari 0,8; 1,2; 4,3; 6,3; dan 8,7% secara berurutan pada 1963, 73, 83, 93, dan 2000. Sementara penggunaan lahan/hutan terluas masihlah dalam bentuk “hutan politik” (area yang disebut negara sebagai hutan), sebuah cara negara merampas tanah ulayat rakyat dan kemudian melego sumberdayanya, dengan angka luasan sekitar 60% dari total lahan di Indonesia pada periode sejak 1965 – sekarang. Satu contoh klasik perampasan lewat skema hutan politik adalah Lahan Gambut Sejuta Hektar (LGSH) di Kalimantan yang kayunya diekstrak pada era Orde Baru.

Proses meningkatnya petani tak bertanah, perampasan tanah, dan ekstraksi sumberdayaitulah yang sekarang termainfestasikan dalam bentuk-bentuk, misalnya saja, konflik-konflik agraria yang menjamur dan bencana asap. Ragam, lokasi, genealogi, pendeknya data, konflik-konflik agraria yang menjamur dengan mudah ditemukan dalam berbagai dokumen di internet. Demikian pula lokasi-lokasi kebakaran hutan karena rusaknya ekosistem akibat kayunya diekstrak dan  pembersihan lahan oleh korporasi raksasa untuk kepentingan perkebunan kelapa sawit, juga bisa ditemukan dengan mudah di internet. Kembali, LGSH di Kalimantan adalah contoh yang sempurna. Saya tidak akan masuk lebih jauh ke sana.

Isu yang sedang berlangsung di sektor agraria ini (ketimpangan penguasaan lahan, konflik-konflik agraria, bencana asap) dalam kaitannya dengan peristiwa ’65 seperti yang saya jelaskan di atas, selanjutnya saya konsolidasikan dalam tulisan ini sebagai “isu agraria”.

Di sektor gerakan buruh yang tampaknya dalam tahun-tahun belakangan mulai semakin membaik, Presiden Konfederasi Serikat Pekerja Indonesia, Said Iqbal, menyebutkan bahwa era pemerintahan Jokowi-JK adalah Orde Baru Jilid II. Alasan Iqbal sampai pada penyebutan itu adalah dirugikannya kaum buruh akibat dikeluarkannya peraturan upah murah melalui PP 78/2015, Pergub DKI 228 tentang unjuk rasa yang membatasi ruang geografis untuk berekspresi, dan surat edaran Kapolri tentang Ujaran Kebencian. Ketiga produk hukum ini, bersama dengan berbagai bentuk pelarangan dan intimidasi dari aparat negara yang dialami oleh berbagai komunitas,terutama kelompok mahasiswa,di Indonesia belakangan ini memperjelas bahwa penyebutan Iqbal hanyalah benar adanya. Semuanya dalam tulisan ini saya konsolidasikan dalam isu “Orde Baru Jilid II”.

Kalaulah pemetaan yang saya lakukan diterima, maka kitabisa melihat IPT Den Haag tidak bersambung dengan baik isu agraria maupun Orde Baru Jilid II. Dianto Bachriadi, dengan jabatan yang melekat pada dirinya sebagai komisioner Komnas HAM, menyebutkan di Den Haag bahwa keterangan saksi-saksi yang disampaikan dalam IPT “terkonfirmasi” dengan penyelidikan pro yustisia yang sudah dilakukan oleh Komnas HAM tentang kasus ’65. Dalam opininya sebagai seorang pegiat gerakan agraria, Bachriadi juga memberikan penjelasan bahwa dampak kasus ’65 bukanlah hanya terrepresentasikan dari seberapa banyak orang yang meninggal, tapi juga hadir dalam berbagai bentuk perampasan tanah yang berlangsung di banyak tempat sekarang ini di Indonesia. Saya bisa memahami argumentasi Bachriadi terutama dengan cara berfikir seperti penjelasan yang saya sampaikan pada bagian “isu agraria” di atas.

Namun, penjelasan Bachriadi tidak banyak menyita perhatian dalam sidang IPT. Ia memang mendapatkan tepuk tangan dari hadirin yang menghadiri persidangan begitu ia selesai berbicara, tapi isu agraria yang ia bicarakan tidak disambut. Tepuk tangan dari hadirin, rasanya, lebih kepada mengapresiasi kehadiran Bachriadi yang pada dirinya melekat jabatan komisioner Komnas HAM serta gaya bicaranya yang bagus. Isu Orde Baru Jilid II juga muncul dalam keterangan saksi yang lain meski bukan dengan istilah itu, misalnya keterangan Asvi Warman Adam. Tetapi, juga tidak menyita perhatian. Pun, keduanya, isu agraria dan Orde Baru Jilid II, tidak masuk dalam tuntutan persidangan IPT.

Ketidakbersambungan antara isu yang justru sedang hangat di gerakan seperti isu agraria dan Orde Baru Jilid II dengan tuntutan IPT kiranya cukup untuk menjadi alat ukur untuk menyebut bahwa IPT tidak melakukan kontekstualisasi. Penyelenggaraan IPT yang bukan di Indonesia, mengantarkan saya melangkah lebih jauh: IPT elitis. Kegiatan elitis seperti ini saya sebut sebagai kampanye gaya Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat (LSM). Kalau dipertajam, kegiatan/program/proyek LSM biasanya dibiayai donor, diimplementasikan sesuai kerangka fikir tertentu, melibatkan pelaporan yang teknokratik, dan kencang kampanye internasional tapi lemah di pengorganisasian basis massa. Saya sadar kategorisasi kampanye ala LSM ini lemah. Kelemahannya, misalnya saja, saya tidak tahu darimana uang untuk IPT berasal, bagaimana kerangka berfikir yang memandunya, seperti apa pelaporannya (kalau ada), dan siapa basis massa IPT. Saya juga sadar pilihan-pilihan kampanye tidak bisa dilihat dalam kerangka benar dan salah. Kategorisasi ini saya lakukan untuk membantu saya memperlihatkan risiko yang muncul dari cara berkampanye. Tidak melakukan kontekstualisasi dan elitisme IPT Den Haag ini saya sebut sebagai depolitisasi – proses menjarak dengan massa di Indonesia.

Berikutnya saya akan menjelaskan apa yang menurut saya masih dapat dilakukan. Pertama, kampanye seperti IPT Den Haag sudah seharusnya ditarik lebih luas, dilepaskan dari perangkap gaya kampanye ala LSM. Ini tidak mudah, syarat minimal tentu saja isu ini menjadi bagian dari gerakan,seperti tani dan buruh. Sebab, kalaupun IPT Den Haag menyebut negara Indonesia di bawah Orde Baru adalah pelanggar HAM berat, susah untuk menekan negara Indonesia. Rasional saya sederhana: tekanan politik itu butuh massa. Proses ini saya sebut “de-LSM-isasi isu’65”. Dalam kerangka agenda politik yang lebih luas,ini adalah langkah repolitisasi isu ’65.

Kedua, dari sisi gerakan tani dan buruh, dan gerakan progresif yang lain, juga sangat baik jika melihat dirinya sebagai bagian dari korban negara Orde Baru (Jilid I), seperti yang sudah dilakukan Iqbal lewat analisisnya,  sehingga bisa bertaut di satu medan dengan isu ’65. Tujuan yang paling jelas dari pertautan ini adalah untuk mencegah semakin menguatnya Orde Baru Jilid II. Dan tentu saja secara lebih luas adalah untuk menjadi kekuatan politik (diskursus dan praktik) yang mengontrol kekuasaan, hal yang sudah absen di Indonesia sejak ’65 dan mulai tumbuh lagi sekarang. Ini yang saya maksud dengan “radikalisasi gerakan”. Radikalisasi gerakan, dengan kata lain, adalah usaha terus-menerus membawa gerakan melampaui isu sektoral dengan cara melihat struktur ekonomi-politik yang lebih luas yang membentuk situasi sekarang. Tulisan ini, dengan demikian, adalah usaha agitasi untuk kedua agenda itulah. []

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  85. Anta says:

    Tulisan yang sangat bagus, Bung! Terima kasih.

  86. ayu says:

    Terima kasih utk tulisan ini. TIM IPT 65 sudah pernah berdiskusi di KPA soal kritik yg disampaikan penulis. Kita bahkan mengajak teman2 untuk ikut membantu supply tulisan atau evidence supaya bisa kita masukkan dalam indictment, selain tentu membantu utk meluaskan dukungan dari kelompok buruh/tani dan bahkan masyarakat adat. Namun follow up meetings belum sempat terjadi setelah pertemuan itu. Jadi besar harapan saya output dan proses2 IPT65 bisa didiskusikan diantara teman2, supaya kritik terus muncul dan kita bisa pikirkan mentautkan benang yang belum tersambung itu.

    • Bosman Batuabra says:

      terima kasih atas komentarnya. saya doakan sukses menggalang dukungan yang lebih banyak